Is it any wonder people are sick of us? Journalists, that is. We regularly come at the top of lists of the least-trusted professions, and people have taken to switching their TV channel the minute the news comes on, lest they hear more doom and gloom.
An interesting trend has emerged over the past few months. ABE syndrome, it’s called; Anything But the Economy. Journalists are prepared to cover almost anything to avoid writing (or talking, or filming) about anything to do with the economy and the sorry state we find ourselves in.
One national paper went so far as to print a photo of a football-playing dog on its front page during January, purely to lift the gloom. And we can hardly blame them.
When news is your bread and butter, and your passion, it’s very hard to acknowledge that news fatigue has hit. That you, too, like almost every rational person in the country, hits the off button the minute poor George Lee appears on the TV or Brian Cowen speaks on the radio.
When you have lived your life online, constantly checking news sites for updates and needing, craving the newspaper every morning, news fatigue hits as rather a shock.
So, when something happened last week to distract from the economy – although it was equally negative and underlined the sense of doom pervading media at the moment – it was leapt on by journalists across the world.
Swine flu. What can’t it do? Never mind that we have been assured by the HSE that swine flu hasn’t reached Ireland yet. Never mind that we have been stockpiling anti-viral drugs for years (since the avian flu epidemic that never was) and never mind that we are an island nation and thus probably the easiest to protect from the point of view of quarantine.
This could be serious!
TV images of masks being handed out on the street in Mexico City (one of the poorest and most densely populated places in the world) gave a thrilling sense of an emergency that, for once, had absolutely nothing to do with the credit crunch or the economy or unemployment or, God help him, Brian Cowen.
True - if it does come here, swine flu could affect a lot of people, although it does not appear to be spreading as quickly as initially thought. It could create a lot of sick days and thus another burden for the (sorry, here’s that word again) economy.
True – like other strains of the flu, swine flu could develop into pneumonia in the particularly vulnerable. Elderly people, young children and those with weakened immune systems should all be monitored especially carefully.
But this holds true for these groups at this time of year every year – when ordinary, seasonal flu, kills people whose systems are not equipped to fight the onset of pneumonia.
Unfortunately, while the economy remains the only other show in town, we are going to sit through months of coverage of a “global pandemic” that might never happen, while ignoring the one that has already affected most of us; ABE syndrome.
Tuesday, May 5, 2009
Wednesday, April 29, 2009
Europe calling
It’s that time again – the time when Europe comes calling for our ‘best and brightest’. No, not the Eurovision (although that’s coming soon too), but the European elections.
Forgive a note of sarcasm in ‘the best and brightest’, but it’s difficult to avoid. In Irish politics, Brussels has traditionally been a dumping ground for those who just don’t cut the mustard at national level. While it’s not easy to get elected in a European election (the sheer amount of votes required is hard to comprehend even for successful general election veterans – Sean O Neachtain polled over 62,000 votes in 2004), the contest is generally not reserved for the cream that has risen to the top of various parties.
Usually, promising candidates who could do well in national politics are lured to Brussels by some kind of carrot. Or are exiled because of a disagreement with the current party leadership – Munster MEP Brian Crowly has famously been at odds with party HQ for years, but is holding onto his Fianna Fáil seat in the hopes of a Presidential nomination.
Often, people are dragged out of semi-retirement to fly the flag, or high flyers with even higher profiles (former GAA President Sean Kelly, again in Munster, and the courting of Packie Bonner by Fianna Fáil this time round) are lured onto the ticket, often with promises of future General Election ticket spots.
And so it is, too, in the North West. Independents like Marian Harkin (and Dana before her, and Kathy Sinnott in Munster) do better in European elections, partly because most people have no idea, or much interest, in what MEPs actually do. And the political party system is not so important in Brussels – Harkin has allied herself with the ALDE, soon to become home to FF, for years, and receives all the support she needs from them.
The current crisis within Fianna Fáil, following the surprise resignation of Sean O Neachtain, is a telling one, because the facts are that nobody really wants a seat in Brussels. This, despite the fact that MEPs have more real power than TDs, with the same salary. They pass reams of legislation, some of which then has to be passed by the Dáil, and have a voice where it really counts in a lot of issues that can matter at local level (see Marian Harkin’s involvement in the Eyrecourt sludge case, in which a European body forced
the EPA to act after years of inaction by Galway County Council).
Speaking to the Galway Independent on Sunday, Aer Arann CEO Padraig O Ceidigh, who is by any measure a perfect fit for O Neachtain’s shoes, and would easily get douze points from the North Western jury, was still doubtful.
Not because he doesn’t fancy politics; not at all. Because he doesn’t fancy the European Parliament.
However, as mentioned above, Fianna Fáil in particular is well known for it’s carrot-based approach to European elections; for O Ceidigh, who would clearly relish an economic portfolio, there would be ample reward later on. He is someone who would almost certainly get elected in Galway, probably presenting a danger to Eamon O Cuív (who might not be so happy to see him embraced by Fianna Fáil), and would be competent in an economic portfolio, providing he could be taught to toe party line.
Within Fianna Fáil he is seen as a great white hope to retain O Neachtain’s seat, but it’s possible that his candidacy may cost more than Fianna Fáil can offer. Time will tell.
Forgive a note of sarcasm in ‘the best and brightest’, but it’s difficult to avoid. In Irish politics, Brussels has traditionally been a dumping ground for those who just don’t cut the mustard at national level. While it’s not easy to get elected in a European election (the sheer amount of votes required is hard to comprehend even for successful general election veterans – Sean O Neachtain polled over 62,000 votes in 2004), the contest is generally not reserved for the cream that has risen to the top of various parties.
Usually, promising candidates who could do well in national politics are lured to Brussels by some kind of carrot. Or are exiled because of a disagreement with the current party leadership – Munster MEP Brian Crowly has famously been at odds with party HQ for years, but is holding onto his Fianna Fáil seat in the hopes of a Presidential nomination.
Often, people are dragged out of semi-retirement to fly the flag, or high flyers with even higher profiles (former GAA President Sean Kelly, again in Munster, and the courting of Packie Bonner by Fianna Fáil this time round) are lured onto the ticket, often with promises of future General Election ticket spots.
And so it is, too, in the North West. Independents like Marian Harkin (and Dana before her, and Kathy Sinnott in Munster) do better in European elections, partly because most people have no idea, or much interest, in what MEPs actually do. And the political party system is not so important in Brussels – Harkin has allied herself with the ALDE, soon to become home to FF, for years, and receives all the support she needs from them.
The current crisis within Fianna Fáil, following the surprise resignation of Sean O Neachtain, is a telling one, because the facts are that nobody really wants a seat in Brussels. This, despite the fact that MEPs have more real power than TDs, with the same salary. They pass reams of legislation, some of which then has to be passed by the Dáil, and have a voice where it really counts in a lot of issues that can matter at local level (see Marian Harkin’s involvement in the Eyrecourt sludge case, in which a European body forced
the EPA to act after years of inaction by Galway County Council).
Speaking to the Galway Independent on Sunday, Aer Arann CEO Padraig O Ceidigh, who is by any measure a perfect fit for O Neachtain’s shoes, and would easily get douze points from the North Western jury, was still doubtful.
Not because he doesn’t fancy politics; not at all. Because he doesn’t fancy the European Parliament.
However, as mentioned above, Fianna Fáil in particular is well known for it’s carrot-based approach to European elections; for O Ceidigh, who would clearly relish an economic portfolio, there would be ample reward later on. He is someone who would almost certainly get elected in Galway, probably presenting a danger to Eamon O Cuív (who might not be so happy to see him embraced by Fianna Fáil), and would be competent in an economic portfolio, providing he could be taught to toe party line.
Within Fianna Fáil he is seen as a great white hope to retain O Neachtain’s seat, but it’s possible that his candidacy may cost more than Fianna Fáil can offer. Time will tell.
Public vs Private
In Brian Friel’s acclaimed play, Philadelphia, Here I Come, the conflict between public and private is central to the play.
Gar O’Donnell, the central personality, is a dual character. Gar Public is “the Gar that people see, talk to, talk about”, while Gar Private is “the unseen man, the man within, the conscience”.
There is always conflict between public and private, and none more so than in the world of employment. When news broke last week that employees at Leitrim County Council were to continue getting a half-day off (outside their annual leave) in recognition of a traditional local festival that no longer takes place, that conflict heightened just another notch.
When Dublin Bus drivers decided to strike unofficially because of collectively agreed changed work practices, inconveniencing most people who live and work in the capital, private sector outrage at the public service jumped yet again.
As one colleague said, “I think I hear the sound of my suitcases packing themselves”.
Just like Gar Public, public sector workers are the ones being scrutinised and talked about.
Local election candidates out canvassing at the moment are reporting a strange phenomenon; civil, almost friendly welcomes from many of the newly unemployed who have been dropped in their droves from the private sector workforce… and doors in the face from their public sector neighbours who still have their jobs.
Public sector workers have suffered an unfair pension levy. Private sector workers have suffered either the loss of their jobs, or equally unfair pay cuts.
While there’s a huge divide, there’s one simple uniting factor. We might be in the soup, but we are all in it together, and whingeing is not going to help us.
For Gar, the answer to his conflicts (with himself, his father and his life in Ballybeg) is simple: Philadelphia. Unfortunately, emigration isn’t currently an option for either private or public sector workers.
While our solution may not be so clear-cut, one thing is clear. Like Gar, we are fighting ourselves. So maybe it’s time to pull together and act, not like two dogs with a bone, but like one society facing the biggest threat to our common interests in generations.
Gar O’Donnell, the central personality, is a dual character. Gar Public is “the Gar that people see, talk to, talk about”, while Gar Private is “the unseen man, the man within, the conscience”.
There is always conflict between public and private, and none more so than in the world of employment. When news broke last week that employees at Leitrim County Council were to continue getting a half-day off (outside their annual leave) in recognition of a traditional local festival that no longer takes place, that conflict heightened just another notch.
When Dublin Bus drivers decided to strike unofficially because of collectively agreed changed work practices, inconveniencing most people who live and work in the capital, private sector outrage at the public service jumped yet again.
As one colleague said, “I think I hear the sound of my suitcases packing themselves”.
Just like Gar Public, public sector workers are the ones being scrutinised and talked about.
Local election candidates out canvassing at the moment are reporting a strange phenomenon; civil, almost friendly welcomes from many of the newly unemployed who have been dropped in their droves from the private sector workforce… and doors in the face from their public sector neighbours who still have their jobs.
Public sector workers have suffered an unfair pension levy. Private sector workers have suffered either the loss of their jobs, or equally unfair pay cuts.
While there’s a huge divide, there’s one simple uniting factor. We might be in the soup, but we are all in it together, and whingeing is not going to help us.
For Gar, the answer to his conflicts (with himself, his father and his life in Ballybeg) is simple: Philadelphia. Unfortunately, emigration isn’t currently an option for either private or public sector workers.
While our solution may not be so clear-cut, one thing is clear. Like Gar, we are fighting ourselves. So maybe it’s time to pull together and act, not like two dogs with a bone, but like one society facing the biggest threat to our common interests in generations.
Wednesday, April 22, 2009
Fussy finances
Last week news broke of a survey conducted by online dating company Parship, which found that Irish women are the fussiest in Europe.
Money was a big issue for most, with 55 per cent of women saying they wouldn’t date an unemployed man and almost one-third saying they could ‘barely accept it’. Eighty-four per cent of women don’t want their partner to be financially dependent on them, while just 46.4 per cent of men say this is an important issue.
What the survey completely fails to mention is that a fairly high proportion of men in their twenties and thirties are now unemployed. During the Celtic Tiger, being unemployed was pretty unusual and in a lot of cases, it showed nothing more than a lack of motivation, but we ain’t in Kansas any more.
This leaves us in something of a quandary; do these ‘fussy’ women lower their standards in order to acknowledge the prevailing realities, or will they just have to take a vow of chastity until the recession ends and all the former young up-and-coming professionals regain their jobs along with their eligibility?
Women were fussier than men about almost everything in this survey, and men were only more choosy in two categories; the importance of good looks and ‘a toned body’.
With some experts predicting that the recession could last more than five years, a lot of women could reach age barriers they haven’t yet considered. By the time the recession is over, they could have a whole new set of worries – ticking biological clocks, wrinkles and even, as Celia Holman Lee is currently advising us from a pharmacy window near you, thinning hair!
So here’s the equation. With 55 per cent of women refusing to date someone who’s unemployed, five years to wait before the 10 per cent of unemployed people see a rise in the jobs market, and 60 per cent of men, in the same survey, saying good looks are very important to them… how do you add it all up?
They say quality is one of the first casualties of a recession – cutbacks are resulting in poorer products and fewer options in every sector, but has anyone thought of how it’s impacting on our love lives? It’ll be interesting to see if next year’s survey has the same results.
Money was a big issue for most, with 55 per cent of women saying they wouldn’t date an unemployed man and almost one-third saying they could ‘barely accept it’. Eighty-four per cent of women don’t want their partner to be financially dependent on them, while just 46.4 per cent of men say this is an important issue.
What the survey completely fails to mention is that a fairly high proportion of men in their twenties and thirties are now unemployed. During the Celtic Tiger, being unemployed was pretty unusual and in a lot of cases, it showed nothing more than a lack of motivation, but we ain’t in Kansas any more.
This leaves us in something of a quandary; do these ‘fussy’ women lower their standards in order to acknowledge the prevailing realities, or will they just have to take a vow of chastity until the recession ends and all the former young up-and-coming professionals regain their jobs along with their eligibility?
Women were fussier than men about almost everything in this survey, and men were only more choosy in two categories; the importance of good looks and ‘a toned body’.
With some experts predicting that the recession could last more than five years, a lot of women could reach age barriers they haven’t yet considered. By the time the recession is over, they could have a whole new set of worries – ticking biological clocks, wrinkles and even, as Celia Holman Lee is currently advising us from a pharmacy window near you, thinning hair!
So here’s the equation. With 55 per cent of women refusing to date someone who’s unemployed, five years to wait before the 10 per cent of unemployed people see a rise in the jobs market, and 60 per cent of men, in the same survey, saying good looks are very important to them… how do you add it all up?
They say quality is one of the first casualties of a recession – cutbacks are resulting in poorer products and fewer options in every sector, but has anyone thought of how it’s impacting on our love lives? It’ll be interesting to see if next year’s survey has the same results.
Early birds and late starters
They say the early bird gets the worm, but there are clearly a number of political types around Galway City and County who’ve never heard the maxim.
Of course, it wouldn’t be fair to tar all the candidates with the same brush. Some, such as Labour’s Niall McNelis, have been campaigning ferociously behind the scenes since before Christmas, while others, such as Green Niall O Brolcháin, have been upping their publicity and their visibility since long before that.
Whether you’re an advocate of the canvassing-is-everything method, or the publicity-gimmick way of doing things, there’s no doubt that being well-known early on is an advantage.
Even if a candidate is well known as a pillar of their community, becoming well known as a candidate as soon as is humanly possible, is crucial.
A lot of candidates make the fatal mistake of presuming people know they are running. Wrong. Nobody knows unless they are told – by the candidate, their campaigners, or the media.
And the protection, or even mentoring, of a political party is not always helpful in this. While Independent candidates can have trouble getting out there (lack of know-how is the main culprit here, but a lack of contacts and ‘party machine’ can also hinder Independents), those running for political parties can have even more trouble.
And there is a fair amount of evidence to suggest that this is the case, particularly for rural candidates.
One problem of running within the confines of the party system is that there is usually a sitting candidate who does not want a running mate. They, with minimum five years of contact with local VIPs and media, can make it very difficult for a new candidate to get a foothold.
Another is that political party ‘head offices’ are widely known to be very controlling. They have a strategy, they have a wider aim, and one candidate in Ballinasloe, or Tuam, or wherever, is not going to distract that.
As one party press officer admitted to me recently, “Sure we have hundreds of candidates, I wouldn’t have the names… could you not ring Cllr X?”
Cllr X, who clearly does not want upstarts ruining his chances, is not going to be the best advocate of his new ticketmates, now is he?
So there are candidates all over the country, not least in Galway, whose announcements are not making it as far as local press, who do not have photos of themselves for papers, and whose very existence is questionable, given that many of them don’t appear to have their own contact details.
With less than two months left to the election, candidates who are only now declaring are in serious trouble. While some, like Independent Daniel Callanan, have been strategically delaying their announcement in order to guarantee mounting suspense and more coverage despite being pretty much certain to run (a strategy that didn’t really work),
Of course, it wouldn’t be fair to tar all the candidates with the same brush. Some, such as Labour’s Niall McNelis, have been campaigning ferociously behind the scenes since before Christmas, while others, such as Green Niall O Brolcháin, have been upping their publicity and their visibility since long before that.
Whether you’re an advocate of the canvassing-is-everything method, or the publicity-gimmick way of doing things, there’s no doubt that being well-known early on is an advantage.
Even if a candidate is well known as a pillar of their community, becoming well known as a candidate as soon as is humanly possible, is crucial.
A lot of candidates make the fatal mistake of presuming people know they are running. Wrong. Nobody knows unless they are told – by the candidate, their campaigners, or the media.
And the protection, or even mentoring, of a political party is not always helpful in this. While Independent candidates can have trouble getting out there (lack of know-how is the main culprit here, but a lack of contacts and ‘party machine’ can also hinder Independents), those running for political parties can have even more trouble.
And there is a fair amount of evidence to suggest that this is the case, particularly for rural candidates.
One problem of running within the confines of the party system is that there is usually a sitting candidate who does not want a running mate. They, with minimum five years of contact with local VIPs and media, can make it very difficult for a new candidate to get a foothold.
Another is that political party ‘head offices’ are widely known to be very controlling. They have a strategy, they have a wider aim, and one candidate in Ballinasloe, or Tuam, or wherever, is not going to distract that.
As one party press officer admitted to me recently, “Sure we have hundreds of candidates, I wouldn’t have the names… could you not ring Cllr X?”
Cllr X, who clearly does not want upstarts ruining his chances, is not going to be the best advocate of his new ticketmates, now is he?
So there are candidates all over the country, not least in Galway, whose announcements are not making it as far as local press, who do not have photos of themselves for papers, and whose very existence is questionable, given that many of them don’t appear to have their own contact details.
With less than two months left to the election, candidates who are only now declaring are in serious trouble. While some, like Independent Daniel Callanan, have been strategically delaying their announcement in order to guarantee mounting suspense and more coverage despite being pretty much certain to run (a strategy that didn’t really work),
Tuesday, April 21, 2009
O Neachtain resignation
Sean O Neachtain's resignation has come, it appears, as a mighty shock to most of Fianna Fáil, and it's the last thing the party needs with Declan Ganley heavy breathing down its neck in the North West.
Although fears that Ganley will mop up a Galway vote abound, personally I don't think it's likely. All the digging I've done on the guy has come up with one conclusion; he rubs everyone up the wrong way. A former employee took him to the Labour Court and won - but is afraid to go public for fear of the consequences. A former schoolmate I spoke to was always somewhat wary of his lust for power. And most of the Galway business community, not just the lefties, people who would have been serious PD supporters, are certainly not Ganley voters.
The man has his supporters, but most of them are not in Galway. We heard a lot about the looney left in the run up to Lisbon I but it's the looney right you need to worry about in the more rural parts of the North West.
However, that's not to say Fianna Fáil will retain O'Neachtain's seat. In earlier predictions I anticipated that O Neachtain's seat was safe but unfortunately now we will never know. With him gone, it's hard to see who will fill the gap. Theories that he is being shafted to make way for a junior minister who's lost his job are floating around. But these are not likely for a number of reasons. Sligo's Jimmy Devins is unlikely to fit the MEP bill, as he is too close to Mooney geographically and there would be no sweeper in the south end of the constituency to sort out Clare, Galway and Mayo.
Galway East minister Michael Kitt is unlikely to fit the bill either as he is far too quiet - the main reason he's likely to be dropped is his lack of media profile. In his last junior ministry, Irish Aid, he had ample opportunity to display his largesse (this was before the budget cuts) but failed to do so. Another member of the Kitt dynasty falls short of cabinet... maybe Aine will have a better chance...
FF can't afford to drop a TD now, despite rumour that Noel Treacy (who previously ran and failed) reportedly being interested. Reports in today's Irish Indo name Eamon O Cuiv's son (who lives in London), Padraig O Ceidigh of Aer Arann, while Galway councillor Mike Crowe has also expressed an interest.
Sounds like the party is frantically scrambling behind the scenes to find a replacement, but it's hard to know who would sweep up the votes as Fianna Fáil would require - O Ceidigh would be the perfect choice but is unlikely to relinquish a successful business career in favour of an expensive election campaign and exile to Brussels... time will tell...?
Although fears that Ganley will mop up a Galway vote abound, personally I don't think it's likely. All the digging I've done on the guy has come up with one conclusion; he rubs everyone up the wrong way. A former employee took him to the Labour Court and won - but is afraid to go public for fear of the consequences. A former schoolmate I spoke to was always somewhat wary of his lust for power. And most of the Galway business community, not just the lefties, people who would have been serious PD supporters, are certainly not Ganley voters.
The man has his supporters, but most of them are not in Galway. We heard a lot about the looney left in the run up to Lisbon I but it's the looney right you need to worry about in the more rural parts of the North West.
However, that's not to say Fianna Fáil will retain O'Neachtain's seat. In earlier predictions I anticipated that O Neachtain's seat was safe but unfortunately now we will never know. With him gone, it's hard to see who will fill the gap. Theories that he is being shafted to make way for a junior minister who's lost his job are floating around. But these are not likely for a number of reasons. Sligo's Jimmy Devins is unlikely to fit the MEP bill, as he is too close to Mooney geographically and there would be no sweeper in the south end of the constituency to sort out Clare, Galway and Mayo.
Galway East minister Michael Kitt is unlikely to fit the bill either as he is far too quiet - the main reason he's likely to be dropped is his lack of media profile. In his last junior ministry, Irish Aid, he had ample opportunity to display his largesse (this was before the budget cuts) but failed to do so. Another member of the Kitt dynasty falls short of cabinet... maybe Aine will have a better chance...
FF can't afford to drop a TD now, despite rumour that Noel Treacy (who previously ran and failed) reportedly being interested. Reports in today's Irish Indo name Eamon O Cuiv's son (who lives in London), Padraig O Ceidigh of Aer Arann, while Galway councillor Mike Crowe has also expressed an interest.
Sounds like the party is frantically scrambling behind the scenes to find a replacement, but it's hard to know who would sweep up the votes as Fianna Fáil would require - O Ceidigh would be the perfect choice but is unlikely to relinquish a successful business career in favour of an expensive election campaign and exile to Brussels... time will tell...?
Poster posing
Two weeks ago, Galway City Councillors voted on a voluntary ‘ban’ on election posters in the city in the run-up to the Volvo Ocean Race.
This ‘ban’ is pointless for a number of reasons. While I have no doubt it was a well-intentioned proposal from ‘King’ of Knocknacarra, Donal Lyons, it is entirely impractical and largely for show.
Firstly, the ban only works to the benefit of well-known sitting councillors. Not everybody likes to drive to work with grinning mug shots staring at them from every lamppost and electricity pole, but how else are candidates supposed to become familiar faces?
Any candidate worth their salt is canvassing already and will probably have been to many homes in their area. Some candidates will visit each home twice or even three times in the run-up to the election, and thus should be familiar to many householders. However, that includes just one person in each home, many of which could house four or five voters, and depends on them being home at the time (and answering the door).
Some candidates (mainly sitting councillors) have good media profiles because they know what makes a story. But even if you have met a candidate already, has their face remained in your mind, and does it match their name?
Posters are a proven electoral benefit to candidates and only someone whose seat is completely safe or who did not really want to get elected would voluntarily give up a key electioneering tool. Environmental concerns are well and good, but as Cllr Catherine Connolly pointed out, democracy is not, and cannot be considered, litter. Besides, posters must be taken down within a specified time limit after elections, or candidates are fined.
In every market there is a dominant product and often that product does far less advertising than its rivals. Why? Because people buy a familiar, well-known product. And, where those products are people, they know that. Hence the support of longer-serving councillors with formidable machines for this ban.
For those who have stood against it as the pointless PR exercise it is, fair play. They will respect the VOR route and that is all that’s required. But, as Catherine Connolly pointed out, democracy is not the same as litter. Maybe it’s time we stopped treating it that way.
This ‘ban’ is pointless for a number of reasons. While I have no doubt it was a well-intentioned proposal from ‘King’ of Knocknacarra, Donal Lyons, it is entirely impractical and largely for show.
Firstly, the ban only works to the benefit of well-known sitting councillors. Not everybody likes to drive to work with grinning mug shots staring at them from every lamppost and electricity pole, but how else are candidates supposed to become familiar faces?
Any candidate worth their salt is canvassing already and will probably have been to many homes in their area. Some candidates will visit each home twice or even three times in the run-up to the election, and thus should be familiar to many householders. However, that includes just one person in each home, many of which could house four or five voters, and depends on them being home at the time (and answering the door).
Some candidates (mainly sitting councillors) have good media profiles because they know what makes a story. But even if you have met a candidate already, has their face remained in your mind, and does it match their name?
Posters are a proven electoral benefit to candidates and only someone whose seat is completely safe or who did not really want to get elected would voluntarily give up a key electioneering tool. Environmental concerns are well and good, but as Cllr Catherine Connolly pointed out, democracy is not, and cannot be considered, litter. Besides, posters must be taken down within a specified time limit after elections, or candidates are fined.
In every market there is a dominant product and often that product does far less advertising than its rivals. Why? Because people buy a familiar, well-known product. And, where those products are people, they know that. Hence the support of longer-serving councillors with formidable machines for this ban.
For those who have stood against it as the pointless PR exercise it is, fair play. They will respect the VOR route and that is all that’s required. But, as Catherine Connolly pointed out, democracy is not the same as litter. Maybe it’s time we stopped treating it that way.
Wednesday, February 25, 2009
Uncharted waters
That we are in uncharted political waters – local, national, and international – is, by now, accepted. A black man in the White House, the EU in stalemate, a puppet Prime Minister in Russia, Castro on his way out in Cuba… and Fianna Fáil trailing in the polls.
The Irish Times poll published earlier this month, had unprecedented results. It showed a huge surge for the Labour Party, at 24 per cent, which appeared to have overtaken Fianna Fáil, which is now at just 22 per cent. Fine Gael was coming out in the lead, at 32 per cent.
Good news for the Opposition parties, or so it would seem. But will the figures translate into votes when it counts?
Galway has never followed the crowd when it comes to national polls, and it’s hard to know now if even national polls are reliable, when the mood of the country changes with every bank-related utterance from either side of the House.
In 2004’s local elections, the Progressive Democrats beat both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to the top of the class, getting 22.63 per cent of the quota in Galway City, running six candidates and getting three elected. Fianna Fáil received 19.19 of the vote in Galway City, and seems to have completely messed up its strategy, fielding eight candidates and electing just two. Fine Gael, with 17.05 of the vote, won seats for three out of its seven candidates, while Labour, with 16.49 per cent, made the most of its vote and had four candidates elected. The Green Party had 7.27 per cent, and elected one candidate, from three. ‘Others’ – Sinn Féin and Independents – got 17.37, and elected just one councillor, Daniel Callanan.
In 2009, the situation couldn’t be more different. The Progressive Democrats no longer exist, although their three councillors, now Independents, look set to retain their seats. But it’s questionable whether they will command the largest percentage of the vote this time out.
For Fianna Fáil, mirroring the Irish Times poll might not be a bad thing – it would up their vote in Galway by three per cent. The essential thing here is vote management. The infighting has already begun in the Central ward, and Mike Crowe is not a man to give away votes in Galway City East.
For Fine Gael also, vote management should be a priority. Their strategy will to build on the Government’s unpopularity, but this could be difficult, as their only new candidate with much of a profile is Hildegarde Naughton. While Naughton is a strong candidate, Galway City West’s councillors are strong and will be hard to shift.
For Labour, the big winner in last week’s poll, the choices are different. With three out of the city’s 15 seats already (having lost Catherine Connolly since the last election), in terms of the national poll they are already punching above their weight. Gains will be hard to make in what’s already one of the party’s strongest constituencies, where a core Labour vote left the party upon Connolly’s defection.
The party’s best chance is Derek Nolan in Galway City East, especially if Daniel Callanan runs in the West as rumoured. If Nolan can capitalise on the swing, he’s in.
Because Galway already had a strong Labour base, and a comparatively weak FF and FG representation on the council, it’ll be hard to see how the poll is reflected here. No doubt some candidates who are already canvassing will have seen evidence of the swing already.
The Irish Times poll published earlier this month, had unprecedented results. It showed a huge surge for the Labour Party, at 24 per cent, which appeared to have overtaken Fianna Fáil, which is now at just 22 per cent. Fine Gael was coming out in the lead, at 32 per cent.
Good news for the Opposition parties, or so it would seem. But will the figures translate into votes when it counts?
Galway has never followed the crowd when it comes to national polls, and it’s hard to know now if even national polls are reliable, when the mood of the country changes with every bank-related utterance from either side of the House.
In 2004’s local elections, the Progressive Democrats beat both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael to the top of the class, getting 22.63 per cent of the quota in Galway City, running six candidates and getting three elected. Fianna Fáil received 19.19 of the vote in Galway City, and seems to have completely messed up its strategy, fielding eight candidates and electing just two. Fine Gael, with 17.05 of the vote, won seats for three out of its seven candidates, while Labour, with 16.49 per cent, made the most of its vote and had four candidates elected. The Green Party had 7.27 per cent, and elected one candidate, from three. ‘Others’ – Sinn Féin and Independents – got 17.37, and elected just one councillor, Daniel Callanan.
In 2009, the situation couldn’t be more different. The Progressive Democrats no longer exist, although their three councillors, now Independents, look set to retain their seats. But it’s questionable whether they will command the largest percentage of the vote this time out.
For Fianna Fáil, mirroring the Irish Times poll might not be a bad thing – it would up their vote in Galway by three per cent. The essential thing here is vote management. The infighting has already begun in the Central ward, and Mike Crowe is not a man to give away votes in Galway City East.
For Fine Gael also, vote management should be a priority. Their strategy will to build on the Government’s unpopularity, but this could be difficult, as their only new candidate with much of a profile is Hildegarde Naughton. While Naughton is a strong candidate, Galway City West’s councillors are strong and will be hard to shift.
For Labour, the big winner in last week’s poll, the choices are different. With three out of the city’s 15 seats already (having lost Catherine Connolly since the last election), in terms of the national poll they are already punching above their weight. Gains will be hard to make in what’s already one of the party’s strongest constituencies, where a core Labour vote left the party upon Connolly’s defection.
The party’s best chance is Derek Nolan in Galway City East, especially if Daniel Callanan runs in the West as rumoured. If Nolan can capitalise on the swing, he’s in.
Because Galway already had a strong Labour base, and a comparatively weak FF and FG representation on the council, it’ll be hard to see how the poll is reflected here. No doubt some candidates who are already canvassing will have seen evidence of the swing already.
Tuesday, February 17, 2009
The Great White
The great white
Tuam-based anti-Lisbon Treaty organisation Libertas appears to be gradually falling apart at the seams, with news in the past week that two of the signatories to the organisation’s bid for European political party status have disclaimed all knowledge of their part in the bid.
When Libertas burst onto the political scene early in 2008 it was seen as the great white hope for all those who worry about Ireland’s increasing reliance on and integration with Europe. Among the established Irish political parties, only Sinn Féin regularly and forcibly criticises Europe, while Labour and the Greens have been particularly quiet on this front since the Lisbon Treaty came on the agenda.
Once the Yes to Lisbon campaign limped, pathetically, into action, Libertas was cast in a different light. Suddenly the organisation and its charismatic founder, Declan Ganley, was a great white shark, out to destroy Ireland’s relationship with Europe and convince us that signing up to Lisbon would mean a return to foreign rule.
Since the defeat of the Lisbon Treaty referendum and the emergence of the greatest economic crisis of our generation, Libertas has begun to form plans for this year’s European elections, and has made links with politicians all over the European Union with the aim of becoming ‘the first pan-European political party’.
The progress of Libertas throughout Europe has been greeted with alarm by most national politicians, certainly by those who have taken time out from the economic morass to think about it.
However, since that time, the issue of Lisbon has become somewhat redundant (if you’ll pardon the pun). We are too worried about keeping our jobs, our homes and our lifestyles, to really think about the ideology behind a protectionist Europe and the EU Defence Forces. And the latest joke comparing Ireland to Iceland has shown us what side our bread is buttered on – there go we but for the protection offered by the Eurozone.
It seems that now the greatest danger to Libertas may not be the fact that its backers appear to be dropping like flies. The greatest danger for Ganley and Co may now lie in the organisation becoming irrelevant: a great white elephant.
Tuam-based anti-Lisbon Treaty organisation Libertas appears to be gradually falling apart at the seams, with news in the past week that two of the signatories to the organisation’s bid for European political party status have disclaimed all knowledge of their part in the bid.
When Libertas burst onto the political scene early in 2008 it was seen as the great white hope for all those who worry about Ireland’s increasing reliance on and integration with Europe. Among the established Irish political parties, only Sinn Féin regularly and forcibly criticises Europe, while Labour and the Greens have been particularly quiet on this front since the Lisbon Treaty came on the agenda.
Once the Yes to Lisbon campaign limped, pathetically, into action, Libertas was cast in a different light. Suddenly the organisation and its charismatic founder, Declan Ganley, was a great white shark, out to destroy Ireland’s relationship with Europe and convince us that signing up to Lisbon would mean a return to foreign rule.
Since the defeat of the Lisbon Treaty referendum and the emergence of the greatest economic crisis of our generation, Libertas has begun to form plans for this year’s European elections, and has made links with politicians all over the European Union with the aim of becoming ‘the first pan-European political party’.
The progress of Libertas throughout Europe has been greeted with alarm by most national politicians, certainly by those who have taken time out from the economic morass to think about it.
However, since that time, the issue of Lisbon has become somewhat redundant (if you’ll pardon the pun). We are too worried about keeping our jobs, our homes and our lifestyles, to really think about the ideology behind a protectionist Europe and the EU Defence Forces. And the latest joke comparing Ireland to Iceland has shown us what side our bread is buttered on – there go we but for the protection offered by the Eurozone.
It seems that now the greatest danger to Libertas may not be the fact that its backers appear to be dropping like flies. The greatest danger for Ganley and Co may now lie in the organisation becoming irrelevant: a great white elephant.
All politics is local - Galway Independent, 4/02/09
All politics is local
All politics is local, and it’s at the local level the dirtiest games are played. Rivalries are intense and personal, grudges go back centuries, and party divisions becom fractures when they’re compounded by individual histories.
This year’s local elections will be different from past contests for many reasons, only some of which will be unique to Galway,
One of these reasons is the much-sung demise of the PDs, which has seriously dented the Government parties’ hold on Galway City and County. Within the city, the expected warring between former PDs and their council colleagues over party places hasn’t materialised, but six months is an eternity in politics, and anything is possible.
However, the county councillors have not taken the PDs’ demise so sanguinely, and both Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil have been eager to claim the likes of Jim Cuddy, Tom Welby, Michael ‘Mogie’ Maher and even PD leader Ciaran Cannon, whose perceived role in the party’s demise may not have tainted him forever.
Of course, referring to Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael doesn’t mean the parties’ various representatives here on earth. It usually means head office. And while head office will be only delighted to add sitting, “safe” councillors to the bill, the party’s current crop may not be throwing out the welcome mat.
Already, councillors nationwide have had PD refugees foisted on them, but in Co. Galway a row appears to be brewing with the likely addition of Mogie Maher to the Fine Gael ticket in Loughrea.
Reports indicate Maher has had serious discussions with the Fine Gael hierarchy, but noises emanating from the camps of sitting FG councillors aren’t too welcoming.
Co-opted after Ciaran Cannon’s appointment to the Seanad in 2007, Maher hasn’t earned his stripes yet and, to be fair, hasn’t been in situ long enough to have made a real mark.
All politics is local, and it’s at the local level the dirtiest games are played. Rivalries are intense and personal, grudges go back centuries, and party divisions becom fractures when they’re compounded by individual histories.
This year’s local elections will be different from past contests for many reasons, only some of which will be unique to Galway,
One of these reasons is the much-sung demise of the PDs, which has seriously dented the Government parties’ hold on Galway City and County. Within the city, the expected warring between former PDs and their council colleagues over party places hasn’t materialised, but six months is an eternity in politics, and anything is possible.
However, the county councillors have not taken the PDs’ demise so sanguinely, and both Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil have been eager to claim the likes of Jim Cuddy, Tom Welby, Michael ‘Mogie’ Maher and even PD leader Ciaran Cannon, whose perceived role in the party’s demise may not have tainted him forever.
Of course, referring to Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael doesn’t mean the parties’ various representatives here on earth. It usually means head office. And while head office will be only delighted to add sitting, “safe” councillors to the bill, the party’s current crop may not be throwing out the welcome mat.
Already, councillors nationwide have had PD refugees foisted on them, but in Co. Galway a row appears to be brewing with the likely addition of Mogie Maher to the Fine Gael ticket in Loughrea.
Reports indicate Maher has had serious discussions with the Fine Gael hierarchy, but noises emanating from the camps of sitting FG councillors aren’t too welcoming.
Co-opted after Ciaran Cannon’s appointment to the Seanad in 2007, Maher hasn’t earned his stripes yet and, to be fair, hasn’t been in situ long enough to have made a real mark.
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